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The Late Ch'ing (Qing) Reform, 1901-1911

晚清最後十年改革

 

CAUSES AND BACKGROUND


A. The ineffectiveness of resistance to the West

Ever since the opening of China to foreigners, there were two ways of dealing with the West. One was to strengthen China by peaceful reform; the other was to drive out the foreigners by force. The failure of the Boxers showed that resistance was useless. Reform was therefore necessary.

Figure: Unequal treaties were signed magnify



B. The influence of the reformers

Conservative reformers like Chang Chih-tung and Li Hung-chang did not join the Boxer Movement (see page 74 ) and had not lost power. Their influence forced the Empress Dowager to consider carrying out deeper reforms. On the other hand, though the Hundred Day Reform of 1898 ended in failure, its idea of reform still persisted and had in fact considerably impressed the Empress Dowager.  

C. The decision made by the Empress Dowager

During the escape when the Allied Expedition attacked Peking, the Empress Dowager suffered greatly and felt ashamed of having caused such a national disaster. To regain both respect at home and confidence among the foreign powers, she proclaimed that institutional reforms (which she had bitterly opposed in 1898) would be carried out.

D. The urgency of reform caused by revolutionary activities

Such institutional reforms could no longer be delayed, in view of the rise of revolutionary activities which aimed at overthrowing the dynasty.

E. The need to check political decentralization
 
Moreover, the Boxer Uprising had revealed that some provincial governors were powerful and independent enough to ignore Peking's orders. Reform must be carried out if such political decentralization was to be checked.

F. The common agreement on the need for institutional reform
 
Before 1900, reform was either rejected by die-hard conservatives, or accepted to a certain extent by some reformers. In 1900-1, however, the foreign powers made the Chinese aware of the unmistakable superiority of the West. Thereafter, it was more or less agreed in China that institutional reform was absolutely necessary. Die­hard conservatives were either convinced of the need and fell silent, or were largely ignored by others.

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AIMS


A. To re-build strong Manchu rule in China  

Although it was said that the Empress Dowager made use of the reform movement to hide her shame over the Boxer humiliation, she was also convinced that reform was the only way left to save the dynasty, after all other ways had failed. To the Manzhus, reform provided an opportunity to re-build their ruling position. The dynasty, they knew, could no longer base its rule on ancient Chinese political tradition. A new foundation of rule must be laid.  

B. To modernize China  

To Chinese reformers and nationalists, however, the purpose of the reform was to strengthen China to be­come a modern state, not to re-establish Manchu power.  

C. To strengthen self-interests
 
Self-interest was also a factor. In undertaking reform, the provincial reformers were at the same time strengthening their independent power against central control.  

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CONTENTS OF REFORM


A. Clearance of old weaknesses and introduction of new offices

i. Useless clerks and servants were dismissed from government. The practice of the sale of official posts, which led to serious corruption, was discon­tinued. The old Green Standard Army was reduced progressively. Traditional public examinations, both civil and military, were soon abolished.

ii. Also, new offices were founded. A Superintendency of Political Affairs was created to formulate reforms in general, while a Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a Ministry of Commerce, a Bureau of Military Training and a Ministry of Education were established to carry out different parts of the reform.

iii. In short, having cleared the ground of old short­comings, the dynasty created new and centralized political organs to supervise and execute reform programs.

B. Military reform
 
i. Regional armies, 1896-1901 - As early as 1896, after China had been defeated by Japan, Yuan Shih­ k'ai and Chang Chih-tung reformed China's military defence by creating new regional armies. As neither of them had supported the Boxers, their military forces remained undamaged by the Allied Powers. As a result, these regional armies were still in Chinese hands.

ii. Continued development after 1901 - To strengthen internal and external defence of China, the development of these regional armies was continued after 1901:

iii. Attempts of Manchu control after 1906 - Through the following measures, the Manchu court hoped to centralize the different local armies to form a strong national army, so that the problem of political decentralization could be solved:

C. Educational reform
 
i. Aims- a. to cultivate able men and to select officials more effectively,
b. to teach the people loyalty and patriotism,
c. to promote greater social literacy (i.e. more people knew how to read and write).

ii. Schools - Traditional provincial academies (shu-yuan) were changed into modern colleges, while other old schools were turned into new schools. Then a nationwide system of schools of various levels was organized. The government school system was based on the Japanese model. Japanese textbooks were imported and translated for use, and Japanese teachers were employed.

iii. Curricula - Mixed curricula, in which there were both modern Western subjects and traditional Chinese Classics, were adopted. In government examinations, the Eight-legged essay was replaced by current topics.

iv. Sending students abroad - Students were selected from provinces to study in foreign countries. Chinese students abroad were recruited for services at home. Yearly examinations for the returned students were held. By 1905, there were as many as 8,000 Chinese students in Japan alone.

v. Cultivation of nationalism - The new schools were intended to arouse and stimulate patriotism. Text­books that were published emphasized foreign imperialism, China's territorial losses and national humiliations in the 19th century.

vi. Problems - a. New education was not as cheap as the old one. As a result, many people still favoured traditional education.
b. Besides, there was competition from schools established by foreign missionaries in the treaty­ports.
c. Also, many government educational projects lacked buildings, equipment, funds and good leadership. [Go Top]

D. Political reform
 
i. Reasons for the adoption of constitutional and representative rule-
From 1905 to1911, the Ch'ing dynasty experimented with constitutional practice in Peking as well as representative government at the local levels. A number of reasons explained this:
a. Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5) seemed to show the usefulness of constitutional rule in successfully unifying the government and the people.
b. All strong European great powers had constitu­tions.
c. In Japan, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao had organized a move­ment to advocate constitutional rule. He had many believers in China.
d. Traditionally, it was a Confucian ideal to streng­then the relationship between the dynasty and the minds of the people.

ii. Aims of the Manchu - To the Manzhus, constitutional and representative rule would:
a. centralize political control by checking the power of provincial governors,
b. reduce conflicts with other foreign powers which favoured constitutional rule,
c. make the suppression of any internal rebellion easy, and
d. obtain support from the people, as the people were allowed participation in politics.


iii. Constitutional missions and creation of local self­ governments, 1905-1908 -
Official missions were sent abroad to investigate foreign political systems in 1905. Upon the return of the missions, a Constitutional Government Commission was set up in 1907. Finally, in 1908, the Qing court announced the immediate creation of local self-governments, the founding of provincial assemblies by 1909, the establishment of a national assembly by 1910, and the final opening of a parliament by 1917.

iv. Different expectations of constitutional and representative rule -

Manzu Government Local-Provincial Scholar-Gentry
expected that it would educate the peasants on civil responsibility & loyalty to the Qing Dynasty 1908 Local Assembly expected that these representative bodies would protect self-interests against the Manzu court
expected that it would unite the government and the people, and check provincial decentralization 1909 Provincial Assembly
expected that it would help the government and advise on policy matters. 1910 National Assembly expected that it would control the government and obtain benefits for the provinces.
expected it to be a strictly limited and illiberal one, under which the Emperor controlled the army and directed foreign policy. 1917 Constitution expected it to be a liberal one so that the Emperor and the government were reduced to instruments for serving local-provincial interests.


v. Dissatisfaction with and disappointment at constitutional practice, 1908-1911 -
a. From 1908 to 1910, the provincial scholar-gentry members were impatient with the slow progress of constitutional development. They went to Peking to request an earlier constitution and set up many "Constitution-Protection Clubs". The Qing court ignored them.

b. In 1910, when it was discovered that the cabinet formed by the Qing government consisted mostly of Manchu members, these provincial scholar-gentry members were very dissatisfied and disappointed. Their discontent grew.   [Go Top]

E. Other reforms
 
i. Economic reform - To regain China's economic national rights from foreigners and to save China from foreign exploitation, economic reform was also carried out. Chinese capitalists were encour­aged to set up their own industries to compete with foreign ones. Between 1903 and 1908, about 130 Chinese-owned factories, most of which produced cotton, silk and flour, were established in the treaty­ports. Banks were founded. Unsuccessful attempts were made to regularize China's currency.  

ii. Legal reform - Legal reform was undertaken so that China could ask the treaty powers to abolish extra­territoriality. A new criminal code based on that of Japan was introduced. Collective responsibility of the family (i.e. if the son killed somone, the father would be held responsible for the murder) in cri­minal matters was discarded. Corporal punishment and slavery were abolished. The use of torture was   forbidden. A law school, a new system of courts, and a Ministry of J ustice were established.

iii. Other minor reform measures - They included the permission for Manchu-Chinese marriages, prohibition of opium-smoking, liberation of women from foot­binding, and reduction of spending in the palaces.   [Go Top]

REASONS FOR THE FAILURE OF THE LATE MANCHU (Qing) REFORM


A. General factors

i. The weak financial conditions of the Qing dynasty - From 1900 to 1911, government spending doubled, but income remained more or less unchanged. As a result, the Qing dynasty found it increasingly difficult to carry out long-term reform projects. For example, the system of law courts reaching down to the districts was not completed because of inade­quate money.

ii. The deep social and cultural conservatism of the people - Conservative opposition to the reform was most serious in matters like legal changes. When a modern law code was introduced by the Ch'mg government, Confucian scholars accused it of violat­ing Confucian family morality. Consequently, law codes had to be revised again and again before they could be used.  

iii. The lack of co-ordination between the reform efforts - This was because Peking's political control over the provinces was not firm enough.  

iv. The harmful effects of foreign economic exploitation and foreign imperialism - The Boxer indemnity, for example, cost much of China's money that could otherwise be used for reform.  


B. Specific factors
 
i. Educational reform created patriotic students and intellectuals who were dissatisfied with and opposed to the Manchu rule. These students and intellectuals promoted or joined revolutionary activities that finally overthrew the Qing dynasty in 1911-12.

ii. Political reform did not produce loyal Chinese subjects. Constitutional and representative rule led only to further political decentralization, as the politically conscious and selfish scholar-gentry established strong local-provincial interests against the dynasty. In 1911-12, the provinces declared independence from the Manchu court one after another. iii. Military reform led to the establishment of, not loyal troops for the dynasty's protection, but regional military forces practically independent of Peking's control. In the end, the Qing dynasty had to abdicate in 1912 because these regional military forces did not support the Manzhus.

C. Other minor factors
 
- The insincerity of the Empress Dowager in promoting reform.  
- The lack of really able officials to carry out the reform, after reformers like Li Hung-chang and Chang Chih-tung passed away in the early 1900s.  
- The growth of revolutionary activities.

D. Conclusion:
 
The Late Qing Reform failed because the reform measures led to developments that in the end weakened or even helped overthrow the Qing dynasty. By 1911, the Manchu dynasty was isolated from all support. The overseas students, the modern intellectuals, the local­provincial scholar-gentry, and the new armies -- all of whom the dynasty helped produce -- were all disloyal to the dynasty. The Manzhus had tried to work out a new basis of rule over a modern China from 1901 to 1911. They failed, as it was too late to do so, and the dynasty collapsed in 1911-12.   [Go Top]

EFFECTS OF THE LATE MANCHU REFORM


A. Military reform
 
i. The rise of the military profession - Traditionally, the military profession was looked down upon by Confucian scholars. Yet, with the growth of new armies during the Late Qing Reform period, a military career began to enjoy higher social reputa­tion. More able young people gave up traditional learning and entered military professions. In the past, a military post was just a stepping-stone to an official civil career. Now, the military profession became an independent career itself.  

ii. The spread of Chinese racial fear and hatred - The Manchu policy of re-establishing control over the military forces not only ended in failure but also aroused Chinese racial fear and hatred. As many people joined the army out of patriotic reasons, anti-Manchu attitude was strong in the new armies. In the end, it was a New Army revolt that started the1911 Revolution.  

iii. The root of warlord politics - The new armies organized by Yuan Shih-k'ai had been trained in such a way that many of the officers owed loyalty to Yuan himself alone and to no one else.  
a. Yuan was very careful in choosing his officers. Returned students, who were more liberal-minded, were seldom used.  
b. A teacher-student relationship was cultivated.
c. Protection was given to the officers when they came into conflict with other people, even foreigners.  
d. Loyal officers were quickly promoted.

Therefore, although Yuan fell from power in 1908, his loyal officers looked after his interests and were quick to act at Yuan's command when revolution broke out in 1911. When Yuan died in 1916, many of these late Qing army officers and commanders became warlords. At least 5 of them became presidents of the Chinese Republic from 1912 to 1928.

B. Educational reform
 
i. The rise of a modern intellectual class - Western-style education gave rise to a modern intellectual class, which grew in size because more educational opportunities were open to the people. Social mobility (i.e. more people could move up to higher social positions, or vice versa) was greater. All this provided the background to the New Culture Movement of the May Fourth period.

ii. The spread of political-consciousness - As education was made more popular, more people were politically conscious. They demanded political power and rights.  

iii. The growth of nationalism and anti-Manchu ideas - The government's attempts at cultivating nationalism in the newly-published textbooks resulted not only in greater Chinese hatred toward foreigners, which the Manzhus welcomed, but also in greater awareness of racial difference between the Manzhus and the Chinese. Chinese nationalists blamed the Manzhus for China's ills. Such a racial awareness indirectly contributed to the outbreak of the 1911 Revolution.  

iv. The expansion in revolutionary activities - The sending of students abroad produced, not loyal servants of the dynasty, but rebels unfriendly with and opposed to the Manchu rule. Likewise, the new schools established between 1901 and 1911 gave rise to a class of modern intellectuals who became increasingly sensitive to and dissatisfied with the corrupt Qing dynasty. As a result, the revolutionary activities under Sun Yat-sen expanded quickly, as many students either joined or were sympathetic to them.  

v. The break with traditional education - In the mean­time, with the abolition of the Civil Service Examination in 1905, the ties between the Confucian scholar-gentry (who sought academic degrees from the dynasty) and the dynasty (which granted these academic degrees) were cut off. The scholars found it less necessary to support the dynasty, as they were no longer dependent on it for examination degrees. On the other hand, having carried out so varied and modern an educational program, the Manchu dynasty could not go back to play the role of a patron of Confucian culture again. In short, the Qing dynasty had cut itself off from traditional support of the old, social ruling class (Confucian scholar-gentry) but failed to create new, loyal and dependable social forces (intellectuals, students abroad, or new armies).  

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C. Political reform
 
i. Increased political decentralization - Instead of uniting the government and the people, the late Qing experiments with local-provincial assemblies only gave more opportunities to local-provincial scholar-gentry to uphold independent self-interests. The Qing court's control over the whole country was further weakened.  

ii. The growth of political consciousness among the scholar- gentry - Traditionally, Chinese rulers were unwilling to give too much political power to the scholar-gentry class in society, for fear that the strengthening of local interests would weaken central control. With the creation of local, provincial and even national assemblies in the late Qing period, the scholar-gentry became more and more power-hungry. Members of the scholar-gentry class were eager to protect their own local-provincial interests, rather than the dynasty's. Consequently, when the Qing court tried to centralize political power, strong opposition from the scholar-gentry was raised, a factor that helped overthrow the dynasty in 1911-12. Indeed, as a class most exposed to modern Chinese nationalism, the politically conscious scholar-gentry was very anti-Manchu in attitude.  

iii. The concentration of opposition forces against the government - Local, provincial and national assem­blies provided meeting centres for the many social forces that were dissatisfied with the Qing rule, such as landowners, educators, journalists and - above all - the scholar-gentry. These people were given opportunities to gather forces in opposition to the government.  

iv. The break with China's political tradition - In practicing constitutional rule, the Qing dynasty unknowingly admitted that national right rested finally with the people. This, however, destroyed the traditional belief that the Emperor was sent by heaven to rule the people on earth. In this way, the theoretical foundation of monarchy, on which the Qing rule depended, began to break up. On the other hand, constitutional practice, which empha­sized legal rule, was basically different from the moral government (i.e. government by moral men, not legal rules) which Confucian teachings advocated. In short, constitutional rule was a clear break with China's political tradition.

v. The loss of confidence in reform led by the Manzhus - At the beginning of constitutional practice in 1907, many scholar-gentry members were hopeful that political reform as such would be successful. A few revolutionaries even gave up the revolutionary movement in favour of reform, due to the promising prospect of constitutional government. After 1909, however, it became clear that the Manzhus were in fact making use of constitutional rule to centralize political power for themselves. The angry scholar­gentry lost confidence in the Qing reform.  

D. Other reforms
 
i. Continued modernization in the city - As most of the reform efforts were concentrated in city areas, the difference in progress in the modern city and the backward countryside was further widened in China. Continued modernization in the city was a factor that partly led to the May Fourth Movement later.

ii. The failure to deal with social problems - Reformers and Manzhus alike continued to think of China's problems as primarily institutional and military, not social. As a result, problems in the countryside were ignored. The same kind of attitude was adopted by Chinese intellectuals after 1911. In the end, it was Mao Tse-tung and the Communists who went into the poor countryside, saved the peasants, and gave China a real revolution.  

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SUMMARY


China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War (1894-95) and the subsequent Scramble for Concessions (1895­1900) convinced many young and progressive Chinese scholars of the need to make the institutional changes that had long been advocated by a few progressive reformers. The power struggle within the Manchu court between the Emperor and the Empress Dowager provided these young scholars with opportun­ities to come to power in the Qing government and experiment with reform. However, the reform measures, which were mainly political and educa­tional in nature, aroused conservative reaction and threatened the self-interest of many people. Most of the reforms were therefore not put into practice. Inexperienced and lacking strong political power, the young reformers and the Emperor were shortly purged by the Empress Dowager, who returned to power again. Consequently, the Manchu court became more reactionary, a factor that partly brought about the Boxer Uprising in 1900-01.  

The Boxer Movement originated in a background of serious social-economic problems and suffering that traditionally accompany the decline of a dynasty. It was also incited by the unprecedented presence of foreign imperialism. This explained why the Boxers were at first both anti-dynastic and anti­foreign in attitude. From 1899 on, however, the Ch'ing government encouraged and then supported the Boxers, who became exclusively anti-foreign.  

Thus they attacked foreigners in the Peking areas, and Peking declared war on the powers in 1900-01. The Boxer Protocol that concluded the uprising further subjected China to foreign imperialism -- politically, economically and militarily. Culturally, China's pride and self-respect were badly hurt. On the international level, however, China's determina­tion to resist foreign aggression helped stop the Scramble for Concessions (1895-1900).  

After the failure to resist foreigners, it was felt, especially by the Empress Dowager, that China should imitate them through reform. Many of the reforms undertaken by the Ch'ing government after 1901 were similar in content to those proclaimed in 1898. Education was updated and students were sent abroad to study Western knowledge. Politically, constitutional rule and local self-rule were experi­mented with. Militarily, regional armies were trained and developed. The Qing court expected that these reforms would strengthen their rule. Instead, (as we shall see in the topic "Chinese revolution"), they led to developments that helped overthrow the dynasty in the end. Educational reform, for example, gave rise to a class of student intellectuals who, dissatisfied with the corrupt Manchu rule, supported revolutionary activi­ties. Local (provincial) self-rule, on the other hand, only furthered China's political decentralization. Lastly, because of anti-Manchu feelings, the regional armies were not loyal to the Qing dynasty.

@Philip Woo, 1980. Adapted by TK Chung.

QUESTIONS


  1. To what extent was the Hundred Day Reform (1898) caused by external events? Did the reforms bring about long-term changes in China?  
  2. Do you agree with the view that the Hundred Day Reform (1898) failed because of strong Chinese conservatism? Give examples to support your view.
  3. In what ways were programmes of the Hundred Day Re­form (1898) too idealistic to be successful?
  4. Describe the chief features of the Hundred Day Reform and account for its failure. What effects did the reform have?
  5. To what extent had the increase of foreign activities in China after 1895 made it inevitable for the outbreak of the Boxer Uprising?
  6. Give reasons why there were anti-foreign activities in China in the late 19th century. In what ways was the Boxer Uprising (1900-01) a result of these anti-foreign activities?  
  7. "The Qing court should not be held alone responsible for the Boxer Uprising." Discuss.
  8. Who were the Boxers? Where were their motives? What part did the Qing court play in the outbreak of the Boxer Uprising (1900-01)?  
  9. Why did the Boxer Rising break out in 1900? What effects or impact did it have on China?
  10. To what extent did the Boxer Uprising quicken the downfall of the Qing dynasty?
  11. During the last ten years of its rule (1901-1911), the Manchu dynasty carried out many reforms. What were these reforms? Explain why the reforms failed to save the dynasty.
  12. Discuss the aims of the Late Manchu Reform (1901 -1911) How far had these aims been achieved by 1911 ?  
  13. What reforms in education were there in China toward the last years of the Manchu dynasty?
  14. Describe the role played by the Late Ching Reform (1901 - 1911) in leadingto the 1911 Revolution.
  15. Compare and contrast the Hundred Day Reform (1898) and the Late Manchu Reform (1901 -1911). Did they save China? What in your view could really save China?  
  16. In what ways should the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi be held responsible for the failure to revitalize the Qing dynasty and modernize China?
  17. Discuss the role played by the Empress Dowager Tz'u­hsi in the following events:
    a. The Hundred Day Reform, 1898 b. The Boxer Uprising, 1900-01   c. The Late Manchu Reform,1901-11.  
  18. Discuss the different ways that China used to deal with foreign imperialism from 1895 to 1910. Were they effec­tive and successful?
  19. Describe the connections between the Hundred Day Re­form (1898), the Scramble for Concessions (1895-1900) and the Boxer Uprising (1900-01).  
  20. To what extent was Chinese history from 1895 to 1911 determined by external, foreign factors?
  21. Do you agree that Japan's impact on the developments of Chinese history from 1894 to 1911 was great? Give reasons and examples to support your view.